Chapter 6:
The undeclared war
A map of Roman (and Persian) provinces during this period
The capture of Valerian in 1,011 AUC
(258 AD) was the defining turning point in the millennium crisis, even perhaps in the entire history of Rome
(1). Before then the crisis was somewhat manageable, but for a variety of reasons the defeat from Persia was what truly caused it to fracture.
When the two empires agreed to a peace in early 1,013
(260), Shapur feared that Rome might counterattack. Only a year later, as he observed events unfolding, he realized the empire was not in any shape to retaliate. As such, Persia continued to wage unofficial war, attacking both directly in Anatolia and indirectly via Cyprus, in an effort to keep the state down.
Anatolia-the end of everything
After the war, the legions of Cappadocia were furious. Emperor Gallienus had reneged on his promise to send reinforcements, leaving Anatolia practically defenseless. Though as you may recall he had been preoccupied defending the city of Rome from barbarians, from their perspective the emperor had turned a blind eye while many of Anatolia’s most prominent cities like Caesarea were sacked. Macrianus, Valerian’s former treasurer who assumed command, had enough.
Macrianus, possibly due to his age or a deformity, did not declare himself emperor, but elevated his two sons Quietus and Macrianus the younger to the purple. He actively blocked ransom offers from Shapur reaching Gallienus, preventing the enslaved emperor from being freed and challenging him. He had Quietus stay behind governing Anatolia, while the two Macriani marched on Rome to press their claim.
Quietus, upon hearing about their defeat, found his position immediately threatened by Macrianus’s chosen Praetorian prefect, Callistus. Callistus, due to his victory at Pompeiopolis, had earned the respect of the legions and the nickname “Ballista.” He narrowly avoided capture and escaped Anatolia to Aureolus. Soon he came back with an army and obtained Quietus’s head. Aureolus decided to delegate his problems by making Callistus the de facto emperor of Anatolia.
Unfortunately for him, Callistus was about to preside over the region with by far the worst crisis in the empire. In fact, crisis is an understatement. Anatolia would suffer from a complete and utter collapse.
In 1,014
(261), Hormizd launched his first raid. Many of the cities he had previously sacked couldn’t afford to have their walls repaired, so he was able to raid far deeper into the territory, take more plunder, and worst of all, take captives. Raids continued annually, with taking captives for use in economic development back in the homeland (as described in the last chapter) being the biggest objective. Barbarians also sailed across the black sea to rape and plunder whatever Hormizd couldn’t. With so many able-bodied men being captured, the economy suffered. Cities were abandoned after years of constant sacking. Lacking sufficient numbers, Callistus had to engage in guerilla warfare which, to his credit, he was good at. However, it required a level of coordination and discipline his army could not afford. As such, he became powerless to stop these raids over the next decade.
With so much wealth leaving Anatolia, the economy experienced extreme deflation. Callistus could not afford to mint new coins. This combined with the rapid destruction of cities, and the population rapidly dying, meant the local economy almost completely collapsed. Because of this there was a massive wave of emigration to Anatolia, including several key Christian priests who would go on to play key roles in the religious history of Armenia. Some migrated to Cilicia, where many became bandits living in the mountains. Some were said to have willingly given themselves up to Hormizd, as a life of slavery was better than a life in Anatolia. Others formed gangs that also stole and plundered, just to keep themselves alive.
Callistus found himself losing all authority. His subjects could not afford to pay taxes, and he could not afford to keep his army. He spent practically all of his first few years in power putting down revolts. His army slowly dwindled until, by 1,025
(272), he had an army estimated at 2,000 or less. He was not paying these men; these were men who had undying loyalty to him and nowhere else to go. It’s highly impressive and a testament to Callistus’s adaptation skills that he even lasted this long. Had he ruled through less apocalyptic times he may have been remembered as a great emperor. As it was, he was no longer an emperor at all. He was a warlord. An abnormally powerful one perhaps (2,000 men still made him an order of magnitude more powerful than anyone else), but a warlord, nonetheless.
Warlords were now the norm in Cappadocia and Galatia. Everyone who hadn’t died or left had joined a local gang that guarded a small tract of land. They had gotten exceptionally good at avoiding and counterattacking Hormizd’s Armenian force during annual raids. As raids brought diminishing returns, they eventually stopped in 1,023
(270). Instead, Hormizd’s priorities shifted, as he started making deals with individual warlords and gangs. By necessity these were full of tough, warlike men. The term “warlord” and “gang,” however, may be a misnomer. Most “warlords” were local landowners, former army commanders, or a variety of others who took it upon themselves to defend their local village or community in the absence of strong central authority. Let’s not forget that this entire change occurred in only a decade. Your average farmer would see their world collapse in only a few years and would have to become a warrior to survive. The full demographic effects of this would become increasingly apparent in the coming decades.
The northern Black Sea coast, in Bithynia et Pontus, would come to be known as the Gothic coast in this period. After thoroughly raiding the coast and inland, tribes such as the Goths and Borani had just begun establishing coastal settlements, possibly as mercenaries. Barbarian immigrants naturally provided a source of protection to much of the populous, allowing these invaders to expand their new realm very quickly.
The area that survived the most was the province of Asia, especially the western coast. Hormizd on occasion came to sack these cities, but supply line issues generally forced him to retreat. They were also targets of sacking by barbarian raiders and the Cyprian empire (more on them later). There was also the fact that much of the food they used to import was now cut off by Cyprus. All this meant all the cities in this region declined, and the vast majority died completely. However, a few managed to land on their feet and consolidate power. In 1,017
(264), Callistus made Sardis his new capital after the population successfully fought off a barbarian raid. He focused on protecting that single city, and helping Asia recover, at the expense of Cappadocia and the other provinces which he recognized were probably lost causes. Sardis was perhaps the only major Anatolian city that wasn’t sacked in this period. Callistus could barely project power outside the city, however, and the other cities were highly autonomous.
Overall, between those died, left, or were taken captive, Anatolia’s population is estimated to have dropped around 75%, from 10 million to just 2.5 million. The cities were abandoned, especially in the east, and coinage no longer in use. The fragile political and economic structures the Romans had built seemingly vanished overnight
(2).
Cyprus and Greece-Mare Eorum.
From the rise of Augustus to the capture of Valerian Rome never had to worry about its navy. They were unchallenged in the Mediterranean, so after that point the navy never went through any real reforms. Around two thirds of the fleet was concentrated in bases in Italy. They also had smaller bases in the English Channel, Carthage, Alexandria, Syria, and Byzantium. These were mostly just used to protect trade; very rarely did they see combat.
However, the navy played a large part in the war against Persia. As you may remember, after the fall of the levant emperor Gallienus could not immediately respond. He therefore poured tons of men and supplies in Egypt, hoping to delay its conquest until he could prepare a counterattack. The Persians did not have a navy, which was a weakness the Romans hoped they could exploit. During the war Roman fleets had to be reorganized, and were primarily concentrated into two places: Alexandria, and a new, temporary base established in Cyprus. Alexandria was the main one, with the Cyprian fleet mostly being used to raid the Syrian coast.
Roman Cyprus had never been particularly special. It did have a good economy, with rich farms producing a variety of resources. These were, of course, owned by a rich Cyprian upper class. It also had a major shipbuilding industry. It effectively had two capitals, Salamis on the east coast, and Nea Paphos on the west. Cyprus had always had a strong connection with the ocean. Vast swaths of ships came and went every day from the numerous harbors, transporting goods across the Mediterranean. It had been a prosperous and self-reliant province, never needing much Roman governance. Culturally, Cyprus was deeply divided between the urban coastline, which was heavily influenced by the Greeks, Romans, Egyptians, and others, and the interior, where traditional culture remained mostly unchanged.
Like everywhere else, in the past century Cyprus was hit by the economic inflation and downturn. Its economy especially took a hit when Shapur captured Antioch in 1,005 AUC
(252). The crucial trade links connecting to Antioch and the wider levant broke down, causing the island to enter a downward economic spiral. The Cyprian wealthy began to hoard their riches while the lower classes, with their empty plates, looked on in contempt. In the midst of this economic unraveling and social unrest, one of the most infamous Romans in history emerged: The tyrant Androcles of Amathus.
Androcles comes from obscure origins, with practically nothing known about his early career. Some have speculated that he was a merchant, as he had charisma and sailing experience, both of which would have helped massively. Regardless, he seems to have been at the head of a small but growing anti-Roman movement. Shapur, seeing an opportunity to weaken Rome’s naval capabilities, agreed to send him money and supplies to fund a revolt. In summer of 1,012
(259), he managed to organize two simultaneous revolts in the twin cities of Salamis and Nea Paphos, in which he seized the fleets stationed there. It was a small navy, and wasn’t a decisive blow to Rome, though it did help shift the tides in Persia’s favor. It also distracted from the main theater of war in Egypt. In response, Gallienus sent a legion to the island, and they quickly retook Nea Paphos. The island became divided between a Rome-controlled west and a rebellious east.
The war ended quickly, however, after the surrender of Rome and death of Gallienus the following year. The legion decided to support the claim of an African usurper and didn’t particularly care about putting down a revolt on a random island or obeying the orders of a dead emperor. This would have been an anticlimactic end to Androcles’s revolt, had he not had an ace up his sleeve. Eager to leave, the Roman scouts got lazy and didn’t scout properly. The very night before the legionaries left, the rebels, under Androcles’s leadership, quietly snuck into Nea Paphos via a secret passage the legion didn’t know about. They then took the Romans by surprise, slaughtering them.
This victory at the battle of Nea Paphos served three goals. One, the rebels received Roman weapons, armor, and supplies. Two, the battle was a massive boost to PR, a much better victory than the army simply leaving. But most importantly, they took the Roman boats, showing that even at this early stage Androcles understood a fact which would come to define his reign: boats were worth their weight in gold.
He was one of the few emperors during this time period not propped up by an army. It’s very likely that he had ambitions of conquering Italy and becoming a proper Roman emperor, but because his small island didn’t have nearly enough manpower to threaten the empire, he knew he had to beat Rome not by land, but by sea. Immediately the entire country’s industry became focused on harvesting wood from the interior and manufacturing ships in bulk (as mentioned before, Cyprus had prior experience in ship manufacturing). In just a few years, Androcles’s navy would balloon massively.
This was a very expensive endeavor, so naturally Androcles sought support from the Persian Empire. Persia, lacking a navy and fearing a Roman resurgence, saw their value as a potential ally, and gave them massive amounts of funding, as well as sending experienced sailors. Very quickly Cyprus became economically dependent on Persia, as they were practically their only trading partner. On one inscription, Shapur claims to have owned Cyprus, which, while maybe not entirely accurate, shows just how dependent Cyprus was.
To continue receiving funding, they had to prove they were worth it, which caused Cyprus to become highly aggressive. By attacking the mainland cities, he could also secure an extra source of funds for his shipbuilding project independent of Persia. The first few years, between roughly 1013 to 1020
(260-267), were spent consolidating in the Aegean. The numerous islands each became naval bases, and the cities on the mainland became targets. The cities along the Ionian coast were each sacked and looted. As mentioned before, inland Anatolia was going through a massive crisis, leaving the coastal cities vulnerable to attack. The city defenses were also often outdated, with their economies too inflated to afford repairs and improvements. By far the biggest cash cow, however, was Greece.
Roman Greece was wealthy and urbanized, but like most urbanized Roman areas they relied on grain being imported, primarily from Egypt and Africa. With barbarian raids cutting off land routes, Androcles was able to blockade Greece and quickly gain a monopoly on all food entering the province, effectively controlling the mouths of millions. By buying and selling grain at a massive markup, he could extort practically all of Greece’s wealth. This naturally threw the Greek cities into political and economic chaos. Political order between them broke down as they reverted back to the fragmented city states they were centuries prior. They failed to unite to solve the crisis they were in. No one could agree on who controlled the small regions of fertile farmland where food could be grown. No farming could get done because the cities began fighting bitter, destructive wars. Cyprus meddled in these wars, looking to prevent a Greek recovery.
Helping exacerbate the problem were Gothic raiders. The entire Balkans were being plundered, and starting in 1,007
(254), Greece had especially become a target for its rich temples. The countryside which became Greece’s only hope of growing food was already thoroughly plundered and would continue to be. Some regions had natural defenses but most were left defenseless.
The governor of Achaea during this time was Marianus who, in cooperation with others, defended Thermopylae pass from barbarian raiders with a militia force in 1,007. The narrow Corinthian land bridge acted as a barrier from barbarian invasions, allowing Marianus to somewhat stabilize his province. However, the blockade and extortion by Androcles naturally led to famine. During this, a massive plague also swept through Achaea. Both these factors turned local Greeks against Marianus. The centuries-long simmering tension between Greeks and Romans ever since their initial conquest, which had seemingly died out during the golden age, once again exploded, as the Greeks unilaterally blamed their Roman overlords. Instead of ending the famine by setting up grain farms, Marianus had to spend valuable time crushing revolt upon revolt. During this time, he lost control of the territory north of Corinth.
Temporarily defending Macedon was Valens Thessalonicus. When Macrianus’s revolt was crushed, Valens took control of some of his legions, and controlled the region between Macedonia and Thessalonica. Like Postumous, Valens didn’t recognize Aureolus’s authority but didn’t declare himself emperor. He only wanted to control his own territory and protect the Greek cities from barbarian sackings, not march on Rome. Unfortunately, the Greeks were being extorted by Androcles and could no longer afford taxes for Valens. With his revenue stream drying up, the legions assassinated him. After his death no one succeeded him, and his small “domain” disintegrated, with the soldiers heading to various cities for work.
Valens’ death threw Macedonia into chaos, as it quickly became every city for themselves. Civil war, plague, famine, raiding, and destruction seemed endless. Of all the Greek regions, Boethia and Attica endured the most. They had fertile farmland and were protected from raids by Thermopylae pass. There was a power struggle, as Curtius Dexippus, another veteran of the battle of Thermopylae
(3) fought against Ptolemy the Athenian for power. Ptolemy came out on top and began redistributing farmland, creating his own army, rebuilding government institutions, and creating his own tiny empire.
A map of Ptolemy's "empire," excluding islands and everything south of Corinth
Thanks to him, Athens, a city that had lost relevance in the Roman Empire, once again took center stage. Athens, once it had stabilized itself, began fighting barbarians and brokering peace treaties between warring cities in the rest of Greece, making progress towards restoring order. He fought inflation by minting purer coinage. Through propaganda, he helped reestablish hope among the citizens.
When Androcles’s returns from Greece began to diminish, and he saw the situation stabilizing, in 1,019
(266) he decided to go on campaign sacking nearly every city in Greece and stealing centuries old artifacts. He started with Achaea, where after capturing and executing Marianus and sacking the capital the entire province exploded into chaos. He then marched north, sacking dozens of cities including Athens. Ultimately there was nothing the Greeks could do to stop them. When he left, Ptolemy rebuilt Athens and urged his citizens not to lose hope.
The only city that fully avoided the wrath of Cyprus was Byzantium. After the sack of Caesarea, Demosthenes (who, as you probably don’t remember, led the city’s resistance), escaped to Byzantium and took control of the city, which also had a small fleet. In 1,018
(265), a Cyprian army sailed to Byzantium to lay siege. However, most of them had never sailed in the wrathful, rushing straits of the Propontis
(Sea of Marmara). Demosthenes had no trouble disrupting the besiegers’ supply lines, forcing them into retreat. He then cut them off by blocking the strait at Gallipoli, trapping and surrounding them and winning a crushing naval defeat. To commemorate his celebration, he had Byzantium refounded and renamed "Demosopolis".
By 1,020 AUC
(267 A.D.), Androcles controlled all the islands in the Aegean, and (aside from Demosopolis) had thoroughly robbed all of the coastal cities. He had also built an impressive naval force. As the rest of the empire began turning its attention towards this Cyprian upstart, it would soon be time for Androcles to begin his western Mediterranean offensive.
1. Once again, I’ll remind you that the millennium crisis is TTL’s name for the crisis of the third century, because it happened exactly a millennium after Rome’s mythical founding. Also, whenever we have an update focused exclusively on Rome, I’ll switch to using AUC (Ab Urbe Condita, “From the founding of the city”). Basically ITTL’s “modern day,” there is no commonly used dating system among western countries, so historians tend to use whatever system is most appropriate for whatever time period or place they’re referring to. If this is confusing, I can just use Sasanian Era in all updates.
2. One of the few events comparable to this that I can think of is the fall of Roman Britain. That makes sense, since both Britain and Cappadocia were “peripheral” provinces with few, spread out cities, meaning the infrastructure the Romans built could collapse easily under the wrong conditions. What makes this special is that it happens so quickly. Normally these things are a slow burn over decades, but Hormizd’s raiding and other factors helps streamline it to about a decade long. I honestly don’t know for sure if this is how it would play out, because I don’t know of any collapses this swift. If you think it may have gone differently, I’d love to hear any ideas!
3. Not to be confused with Publius Herennius Dexippus, the Athenian historian living at the same time. Though there is some debate over whether they’re the same person
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As you can see, the now easternmost half of the empire is suffering the most from the millenium crisis. In the next update, we'll look at how this crisis impacted the central Roman Empire. It should probably only take one more update before we can turn our attention back east and look at the events after Shapur's death.